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Dilemma of shared responsibility between the government bureaucracy and public authorities

How can we ensure that shared responsibilities in the government bureaucracy will not dilute the responsibility of anyone?
is necessary but difficult to identify clear division of responsibilities as the number of public officials involved in the decisions is high. Because of this you could say that there is a latent danger and almost permanent responsibilities are diluted in a black hole between the bureaucracy and the authorities.
The size and complexity of the bureaucracy preventing display personal responsibilities. Although there are alternatives and agents try to make it possible to identify the functions of each hierarchical level, the excuses are confused intentions involved beyond the consequences of acts.
also have to take into account that an individual is accountable when it is aware that could have done otherwise but did not. In the case that ignore alternatives that would have been valid responsibility is diluted, also taking into account the importance of the issue and impact of their actions.
is possible in the act collectively to promote the individualization of responsibilities which although not sure that these responsibilities are diluted, is an improvement to the process. This is especially valid if the company has limited information as directly responsible for the authority is a reference.
is according to the above, although it is difficult to identify those responsible for inefficient policies, unbundling is the best way to restrict the dilution of the wrong choices. It is for this vital that citizens be informed about the role that the state apparatus (Thompson, 1999), in order to identify the political responsibilities, regardless of alternative causes or hierarchical structure, in turn, the identification of responsibilities, allows public officials who have had some degree of participation in decisions and processes are imperfect, are "tracked over time" (Thompson, 1999, 92).
Finally it should be noted that the model of multiple hands of the political system, hampering the identification of those responsible. However, as was explained above, the identification is the best way, though difficult, to promote greater transparency in the process.

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Will ethical principles more or less stringent for public officials than are applied to ordinary citizens?

Will ethical principles more or less stringent for public officials than are applied to ordinary citizens?
ethical principles if, had to be the same, both for public officials to ordinary citizens, as far as privacy is concerned. It is estimated that public officials, for the functions they perform in the exercise of their posts, they are more exposed ("in case") to the comment, criticism and prosecution public opinion. In this scenario, public officials, are expected to be a "model" of people, so they require more than the average citizen. Hence we can infer that there is hypocrisy, and that those same ordinary citizens, politicians call for things that they do not.
As public morals, is understood as the set of actions morally valid, in a political context, to be followed by agents in this regard, as they perform their duties, as their actions and decisions have an impact on the common good therefore, its conduct must have a higher standard and level of demand. In this context
a paradox between what is morally right and politically valid, because many times, politicians must overcome their moral inhibitions for the benefit of the governed (Walzer, 2010). It presents a collision of principles and ideas that are personal and those that determine the political action, which produces the theme of "unclean hands" from which politicians guide their actions in the public domain.
Bellamy (2010) suggests that individuals and civil society share "the dirt" of doing politics by requiring it to look clean and give your support and the power of legitimacy when we know that in reality the political act can not be as clean.
in public decisions affect more people and is the difference in the ethical principles which are peculiar to public officials who should act for the general good. The public decision-making is more complex than in private. What leads you can not judge a politician in an ideal but based on reality. Political decisions are not fair because the company is hoping that political dirty hands on their behalf.

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THOUSAND CRANES FOR JAPAN, March 26 - Japan Foundation Japan

To mark the day this Saturday held in Madrid organized by the Japan Foundation and Casa Asia, will be there to fold cranes teaching to all who want to express their wishes for recovery to Japan. You are all invited!

Origami, Art, Buddhism, Glam

Message Of Newborn Baby

A crane

Tomorrow, Saturday from 10 am to 12 am is issued in RNE-R3's dedicated to Japan with the presence of Masako Ishibashi, Yoka Kamada and Hiroshi Kobayashi .

guests will Juan Pablo Silvestre , a myth of the radio as art, delicate sound world builder he called Babel BABEL WORLD.

This week the world invites you to comfort the soul of Japanese 1000 cranes on the island and our ability to understand. The soundtrack is a Japanese symphony coming from all over the world, will surprise you.

You need a heart of pine (matsu ) to resist and feel as they feel the Japanese face of such adversity.

Origami, Art, Buddhism, Glam

Central Wa Things To Do

Non-state actors in regional politics. The case of MERCOSUR

INTRODUCTION This paper will approach the importance of the participation of non-state actors in the process of regional integration MERCOSUR and its influence on decisions of Member States in defining regional policy. Non-state actors to be considered will be mainly nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) and Multinational Enterprises (MNEs).
It will review the theory of international relations focusing on the conceptualization of the impact of domestic and international actors in the international system. Analysis needed as we face a paradigm shift already announced by many authors of the expiration of the classical school of realism in the international system denies any actor other than the State. Although later neorealism recognize that the state is the principal actor and that there are other actors that emerge in the second image of Kenneth Waltz, the home area, this school of thought denies that are relevant to the third image which is the international scenario.
We stop to examine the role of nonstate actors in MERCOSUR institutions and how they were designed for inclusion in regional policy and governance as a strategy towards a social and political integration in addition to the economic integration of the union customs.
describe institutional spaces created in the MERCOSUR, these are the Social and Economic Forum (FCES), the MERCOSUR Social Institute (ISM), the technical groups and advisory councils in the foreign ministries of the countries within the regional project of MERCOSUR, MERCOSUR Industrial Council (CIM), giving rise to prominence of non-state actors.
hinted at how much influence from institutional analysis to be even more precise work in the future pending the measurement of actual impact.
The objective of this study is to demonstrate that regional policy in an intergovernmental body such as MERCOSUR, it is not the exclusive domain of governments, but also includes sub-state actors.

THEORETICAL APPROACH

In the twenty-first century is an academic consensus that civil society goes beyond the domestic sphere to the international and has a prominent role in international politics. So says Mary Kaldor, "civil society is no longer confined to the borders of the territorial state" and "civil society is in the process of helping to form and be constituted by a system of rules." Furthermore, it indicated that Thomas Risse and in the seventies was focused studies of international relations in the private sector multinational corporations in the nineties have focused on the field of nonprofit organizations, transnational . Thus, when talking about regional policy in an intergovernmental organization such as MERCOSUR, it is important to include other actors involved in these institutions, which are not limited to Member States.
contemplate these two actors, civil society organizations or nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) and business sector, whether domestic companies with international interests, transnational or multinational companies (MNCs), which influence decisions of governments to statewide and regional level in regional integration institutions.
Among the schools of international relations who see these actors can mention to school inglesa y al constructivismo, así como desde la ciencia política el aporte que hace el pluralismo. Cada una de estas corrientes de pensamiento nos dará herramientas de análisis para abordar la problemática en cuestión.
En primer lugar, la escuela inglesa, en la cual podemos mencionar a Manning y a Bull como autores referentes, hace foco en las interacciones y los elementos de cooperación entre los actores dando pie a comprender el presente sistema internacional donde los actores no estatales han ido incrementando su poder de influencia y participación. Hedley Bull se cuestionará la existencia de la sociedad internacional, como sociedad anárquica, reconociéndole las características de una sociedad más allá the figure of the order established by the state, but the order established by rules and customs. While a regional institution is the agreement of the States, for this to be adopted domestically, requires the approval of domestic actors, including legislators in Congress who in turn take care to respond to the will of their voters and to please certain interests of the business lobby or pressure from civil society.
It is important to study the approach to be made about the rules, international rules and institutions and international society to address the issue of non-state actors and their political, diplomatic and cooperation in the international system. Thus, we recall the interpretation of Bull on the rules that make the international order, including cooperation among States, the starting point of any process of regional integration. Rules are not enough by themselves but must be communicated, interpreted, legitimated, and protected by international society institutions either balance of power, international law, diplomacy, concert of great powers. Although Bull did not come to study in civil society as we know it today, left open the theoretical framework he built, the possibility of considering other actors than the State with power to influence the international system. This concept of rules, international standards and cooperation among States, provides the theoretical framework to strengthen regional policy in institutions such as MERCOSUR.
Second, constructivist school or Wendt Ruggie, can be found convergence with the English school, according to Tim Dunne because both are set in the interstate order as a fundamental social sphere where socializing agents such as states following rules and conventions. International standards that lead to agreements, cooperation and stronger ties of interdependence by establishing new institutions at regional, intergovernmental. In the constructivist view is in the interaction between the players where each one defines its identity over the other. Interaction considering the state as a whole but not as the sum of national actors that constitutes it as such. Regional institutions are built considering this reality. The State as the highest decision maker, as the leading actor in the regional system but including other players in the body politic.
transferred to the regional identity, one could say that it is through the interaction between the Member States of a regional body such as MERCOSUR, with other regional bodies, such is the European Union where you can forge regional identity. And also by the interaction of actors at the domestic level and exchange with other domestic actors of the other Member States is forging a common identity necessary to legitimize the collective regional decisions at the national level, to approve compromise on certain points in pursuit of general good of the region will promote a national asset.
This must be understood and internalized by the citizenry in order to avoid a bad perception of conflicts between national interests and regional ones. Especially in the case of MERCOSUR is given this fear, since the integration process at the same time was a sudden opening of markets to encourage foreign investment but where domestic industries were no longer competitive, increasing unemployment and promoting civil society, trade unions and trade associations against the said opening both to the region and to the rest of the world. The Central Trade Union members, strengthened its coordination by the central coordinator of the Southern Cone Trade Unions (CCSC), from the performance of it, has been a constant presence in the important meetings of MERCOSUR, seeking to place on the agenda workers' demands. (Wanderley). Although, years later before the FTAA initiative by the United States, the MERCOSUR project was used by workers and unions to confront the interests of the north, defending the regional economy could detrimental if the initiative would have been arranged according to the perception of this sector. So while it is on, you could see how regional identity took root with the elapse of time, but upon interaction with other actors, seen here as an external threat.
The European Union, to reach today, sought the forging of regional identity through the interaction of actors, civil society and citizen participation in the search for consensus. That is, in the process of regional integration and building a regional identity, participation of citizens as individuals or organized. "The complex process of building the European Community has requested a special effort by the Community institutions in the sense of facilitating the understanding and approach of European citizens to changes and opportunities of EU integration model."
MERCOSUR is said to have copied much of its institutions and its integration into the European Union (EU), and this would be one of the cases. It has also been shown, in the negotiating process in 2004 had closed at an interregional agreement and in 2010 resumed, interaction and participation of nonstate actors, both NGOs and MNEs in what has become known as the Euro Forums -American.
However, depending on the territorial location will be more or less knowledge and identity of the MERCOSUR. In border areas in northern Argentina, particularly the provinces of Entre Ríos, Corrientes and Misiones bordering Uruguay, Rio Grande do Sul and Santa Catarina states of Brazil and Paraguay, are mixed in Cultra the four countries and there is a regional identity even after MERCOSUR. Elizabeth Jelin but notes that the border areas is where the transnational identities. Frontiers are places of separation and unity. As can be cause of war and international conflict can be a source of cultural and linguistic unity. In northern Argentina or Portuguese-speaking majority of the population understands the language of the neighboring country Lusitanian.
Thirdly, we see pluralism state actors are important in international politics where the state is not seen as a unitary actor but is made by interest groups and which does not necessarily take decisions on rational processes but can be influenced by these interests and pressures from both domestic and international actors. Actors that influence and determine the choice of the governing authorities and are in power at the national level on behalf of the State. Apparently
can not ignore the impact of domestic actors en la política estatal y por consecuencia en la regional. No se puede desconocer la importancia de la participación ciudadanía como garantía de la institucionalidad democrática, tanto a nivel nacional como regional. Isidoro Cheresky , doctor en ciencias sociales e investigador argentino dedicado a temas como la participación política y sociedad civil, recuerda que el ideal republicano de la sociedad civil está asociado a un sistema de relaciones sociales animado por la reivindicación y práctica de derechos. Es este el caso de los países del MERCOSUR donde se ha dado en primer lugar para defender la protección de sus derechos como ciudadanos libres y en segundo lugar para fortalecer las instituciones regionales forjando una identidad common.
Citizen involvement strengthens democratic institutions so weak in the cases of MERCOSUR countries by helping to put checks and balances that should be given within the same division of powers of the executive, legislature and judiciary, but for personal reasons and authoritarian presidentialism flawed, or corrupt practices undermined. Unfortunately in these countries there is little citizen participation remains a weak democratic culture. Latin American authors agree "both the Latin American populist state crisis and its relation to social groups such as the adoption of neoliberal economic models are contextualizing the emergence of civil society and producing profound changes in the region. " Then, social exclusion given by false populist governments that remain in the speech and no political action to include civil society, open to dialogue with all sectors of business and workers, and social exclusion generated by the same dynamics a free market economy where state regulation not only fails but also invalid or corrupt. Jean Grugel, a professor with a PhD in political science from a British University, warns that the exclusion of social citizenship on the political agenda of MERCOSUR can threaten the legitimacy and regional governance.
The loss of legitimacy and power of states is something already agreed upon by many political scientists. Here we focus on the concept of the decline of State authority in the hands of economic power are increasingly taking a bigger role in international politics. Concept that evolved throughout the seventies, the economist Susan Strange English school, which can be summarized in the following sentence: ["Where states were once the masters of the market, now is the market which, in Several crucial issues are the masters over the governments of the States "] On the other hand, emphasizes the new role of business in diplomacy and the international relations agenda.
An example of how private interests interfere in the processes of integration and the civil society's influence on political decisions and diplomatic relations was the dispute between Argentina and the Eastern Republic of Uruguay following the installation a European paper company in Uruguayan territory and being accused of polluting the waters of the River Uruguay binational taking the case to the Court in The Hague. The cutting of the International Bridge over initiated by civil society entrerriano side in November 2006 that connects the city of Gualeguaychú Argentina with Fray Bentos Uruguay attracted a conflict in regional politics. In addition to the two countries' diplomatic row, the detail required of the negotiations for the deepening of the integration until the dispute is not resolved.
This is how it has also been a test of financial institutions of MERCOSUR they faced a conflict that had an impact on economic, environmental and social.

ACTORS ARE STATE INSTITUTIONS
MERCOSUR Southern Common Market (MERCOSUR), since its creation by the Treaty of Asunción in 1991, sought the integration of markets of Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay and Uruguay, and the Protocol of Ouro Preto in 1994 onwards, were expanding the integration agenda and the institutions of the regional project. Although the reasons mainly economic integration in its infancy, there has been within the organizational framework intended to promote citizen participation, not only in manifestos and declarations, but clearly in the spaces created especially with that function in the organizational structure.
In the early years was seen emerging political will to work as has been suggested but nevertheless remained weak. It will be only in the last decade that will certainly become relevant or custom, for example, the consultation meetings to NGOs business and sector associations.
In the creation of Mercosur Parliament sees the participation of civil society "The creation of subregional parliament is largely justified considering the need to involve civil society, participation worth taking through their representatives" ... We must move forward, in turn, in a democratic form of decision making in MERCOSUR and the intense commitment of political parties and civil society in building integration.
It reiterated the importance of the contributions of civil society in all aspects of the integration process, received through the recommendations issued by the Economic and Social Consultative Forum.
The participation of non-state actors does not occur only through institutional means, as exemplified in the case of MERCOSUR by the Economic and Social Consultative Forum (FCES), or consultative forums created, as was the example of the initiative Argentina Foreign Ministry, with a strong civil society conceived institutional space for participation, consultation on the technical meetings, but also through informal, self-organization, networking, etc..
in integration policies involve civil society actors in order to legitimize the decisions taken at household level to regional level. The establishment of consultative forums of civil society in MERCOSUR Ministers of Foreign Affairs, serve as permanent dialogue tables, and presentation of initiatives and actions for civil society apart from the regional authorities. In addition, they serve to accustom, to create a culture of participation and exchange with peers from regional civil society in other countries. Thus, we are forging a regional identity that condition for regional policy, as has been mentioned previously in this paper. Initiatives such as Online Courses "Todos Somos MERCOSUR" are akin to generate identity of citizenship. However, some authors such as Jean Grugel (2005) agree that participation in these institutions is not so "all" but very elite, including civil society organizations that reach institutional spaces are those with greater power, resources and belonging to an intellectual elite. This assertion is easily deduced in the cases of the same territorial exclusion where NGOs are located in capital cities or larger towns that achieve this special place, being then better represented than the rest of the population.
meetings held in prior to the summit of MERCOSUR by civil society consultation on the institutional agenda or what they call now MERCOSUR Social Summit, is another example of participation by non-state actors in regional politics. The Technical Group meetings with agendas ruled by technical issues, is institutionalized participation. Observatories and networks, interregional solidarity programs are forms of voluntary participation and voluntary but not institutionalized. Not to say, other than a custom already established, but simply does not belong to the formality of the official schedule activities, though then receive documents, recommendations and demands from those.
The social dimension of MERCOSUR has been a new emphasis on the creation of the Social Institute MERCOSUR (ISM), in 2007 to strengthen the integration process and integrated human development. Headquarters are located in Paraguay a year after its director was appointed, so that their work is too recent to discuss results of its management and the real impact it can have on regional decision making.
The purpose of creating these spaces for social participation, according to Wanderley is the social visibility and transparency, social control, representation of collective interests, expanding democratic policy-making forums and create political culture.
To dwell a little on the incidence of non-state actors private sector for profit, ie companies, you can begin by mentioning the custom of presidential travel is accompanied by a business delegation to promote the marketing and direct foreign investment, and points to strengthen the regional integration process. Faced with declining
figure of the state as dominant actor in relation to the economy, with the resurgence of neoliberalism, and in a globalized world that empowers other actors will look like is decreased its determination subject to economic integration private interests and profit of the business that would also attract benefits met for the interest of national and regional society. In a positive argument the role of entrepreneurship in regional integration processes is taken to increase direct investment, create jobs, boost trade, improve competitiveness, facilitate the development and technological cooperation at regional level and address global challenges, etc. . By contrast, a negative argument of the role of entrepreneurship can make facing the national interests to the detriment of regional interest, stop negotiating process to strengthen the bloc by sectoral interests.
Sectoral interests of international business groups and MNCs have taken over economic processes towards regionalization. "One of the most interesting is the MERCOSUR regional integration for countries that are responsive to the overall process and the interests of transnational corporations and local elites, but not to the socio-economic, political, environmental and cultural rights of citizens. " The business elite are not only involved in the negotiations but are often those who set the agenda of negotiations in pursuit of improving competitive advantage in marketing. Is already so established that is so sought its institutionalization of these decision-making in MERCOSUR. "The MERCOSUR Industrial Council (CIM), composed of the CNI in Brazil, Argentina's Industrial Union (UIA), the Industrial Union of Paraguay (IPU) and the Chamber of Industries of Uruguay (CIU) filed two lawsuits related to their recognition: the institutionalization of CIM as the main instrument for strengthening industrial competitiveness policies in the MERCOSUR and more active participation in the negotiations of the four with the rest of ALADI.
is part of the premises in a regional integration process, such as MERCOSUR, mainly about economic integration and then expand and deepen the integration of peoples in other aspects such as political, social, cultural, etc. The institutionalization of the integration scheme chosen by its Member States is a format intergovernmental bureaucratic decision-making institutions have three and concentrate decision-making from national agencies (Mariana Vázquez 2009). Although decisions are to be ratified by the National Congress, advances in the integration process comply with the decisions of presidents, depending on the political and informally fall political leaders are often influenced by national business lobby .
The Social and Economic Forum (FCES), established in 1994 is "a body representing the economic and social sectors of the Mercosur countries, represented by employers and workers organizations and civil society organizations in the four countries. " Anyway it was only in 1996 that began with these practices that put into practice. Although well intentioned, seems to be even weaker anyway, in the opinion of some authors with a low incidence in the integration process and have not operated in practice as a consultation by the political structure. As
reminiscent Grandi and Bizzozero "The Common Market of the South should be placed in the context of the new regionalism that have been linked with the globalization process seeking a better competitive position in the international market. " As we get into the mindset of entrepreneurs who seek to optimize profits and win markets from these integration processes and remain competitive globally. There is no doubt that their interests will be mixed in regional policy, as are the protagonists of the negotiation process.
The above authors suggest that the interests of these private actors, the member firms or parties, across borders to expand their circle of influence at the regional level integration techno-bureaucracy. This is commissions, technical meetings, Consultative Forum, decentralized agreements (cities and provinces, etc.).
Each of the stakeholder groups in its interests, which seek to reconcile within the framework of economic and social cooperation in regional integration. Or not. Another reason for recommending which increase opportunities, diversify the participation and ensure that the institutions of Mercosur are truly inclusive policy. CONCLUSION


After making a simple count of what it means in theory and practical participation of nonstate actors in the policies of the governments of the region, look at their newly institutionalized and the growth curve of the political culture by both NGOs and businesses, we can conclude that the foundations are still weak giving rise to this phenomenon is possible. Both state and regional institutions must create more opportunities for citizen participation to strengthen, enrich and legitimacy to be more viable all economic policies, social policies and seeks to implement in this area.
This would lead to a notion of semi-democratic institutions of direct democracy reformulate the idea of \u200b\u200bhistorical representative of the Member States. Will be in response to the same institutional weaknesses, the legitimacy of the States that will require strengthening democracy does not limit the participation of citizens to simply vote and elect their representatives, but also by making known his will in the decision-making processes. It is by the same crisis of representation that citizens are forced to participate via alternative channels to ensure the desired political and social order. Anyway I agree with the proviso that Wanderley performing "should avoid the analysis of those views that demonize the state and civil society boast characterizing it as a space of all positive, while the state would embody all the negativity." Help civil society to strengthen democracy and supply services, but can not supply the political system itself. In addition, civil society has nothing to do with the representation, it is sometimes very minor sectors that generate and influence changes in policies that affect the majority use the same service lobby, in the negative sense word.
Finally, I agree with the conclusions of Bizzazano Grandi and that the active location of the main and sub-national actors will contribute to the tissue intersocietal is affirmed and the beginnings of civil society in the making of the consolidation of MERCOSUR as well as their level ambition and challenge is long-winded.
The path of integration in MERCOSUR is still in its infancy economically it was the main reason for the decision to create States, especially the process of social integration.

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institutional Pages: www.mercosur.org.uy - http://europa.eu/index_es.htm - www.observatorioueal-alop.eu - www.aladi.org